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C.P.O.A.

Constitutionalist Party of America

American Constitution Society

September 2008 - Posts

  • Proposed Bush Administration Rule Fails to Strike Balance Between Religious Liberty and Access to Health Care

    by Alexa Kolbi-Molinas, Staff Attorney, ACLU Reproductive Freedom Project

    Last Thursday, the 30-day public comment period closed on a controversial rule proposed by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) that would expand the ability of institutional and individual health care providers to refuse to provide services to which they have a religious or moral objection. If implemented, the rule could severely undermine access to reproductive health care, as well as other health care services for traditionally marginalized communities. 

     

    The proposed rule has generated a tremendous amount of controversy since it was released in late August – an astounding 200,000 comments were submitted to the Department during the comment period demanding that it be withdrawn. With good reason, too: not only is the rule unnecessary, but it also seriously jeopardizes patients’ access to essential health care services and vastly exceeds the Department’s authority under existing law. As the ACLU pointed out in its own comments, for more than four decades, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits discrimination in employment on the basis of religious belief, has required employers to attempt to accommodate current and prospective employees’ religious and moral objections to the provision of any health care service.  

     

    Title VII has long been understood to protect individual religious belief so long as patients’ needs are also met in a safe and timely fashion. Alarmingly – but perhaps not surprisingly for an administration that has routinely put politics and ideology before science and patient health – the proposed rule threatens to take patients’ needs out of this equation.

     

    To begin with, the proposed rule dramatically expands the reach of existing refusal laws in ways Congress never intended. For example, the rule broadly re-interprets federal laws to allow providers to withhold basic information and counseling from their patients, absolving them of their legal and professional responsibility to the patient, and essentially abandoning patients in the face of a health care provider’s refusal. As a direct result of the rule, patients may never be able to access the refused health care – or even know about their right or option to do so. The rule could also create a blanket, unqualified right for individuals to refuse to participate in any health service or research conducted in programs supported with federal funds. 

     

    Thus, nothing in the proposed rule appears to prevent a provider from failing to inform a woman for whom pregnancy may seriously endanger her health or life about the option of sterilization; from failing to tell a rape survivor about the existence of emergency contraception; or from refusing to tell a gay adolescent about the importance of using condoms to protect himself against HIV. Likewise, nothing seems to prevent the rule from being invoked by a physician who offers treatment to Medicaid patients living with HIV/AIDS, but refuses to provide such treatment to gay men because of her religious beliefs about homosexuality; or a nurse at a Title X clinic who refuses to provide contraceptives to a white woman whose husband is African American because of the nurse’s moral opposition to interracial marriage.  

    The rule is perhaps best known, however, for its attempt to confuse abortion with contraception.  The proposed rule comes on the heels of a draft version, which was leaked to the press approximately one month earlier. In the draft, the Department deliberately conflated contraception – which is widely understood to prevent a pregnancy from occurring – with abortion – which is widely accepted to terminate an already existing pregnancy. The Department did so in order to explicitly target those state laws designed to increase contraceptive access and to guarantee that reproductive health services are treated on par with other health care services. This attempt to treat some of the most common forms of contraception, such as birth control pills, as abortion is and was virtually unheard of in existing law, including the Department’s own regulations. 

    Faced with strenuous opposition, this exceptional definition was removed from the latest version of the rule. Yet the Secretary has repeatedly suggested that the current proposed rule has been purposefully – and ambiguously – designed to continue to allow health care entities to argue that some of the most commonly used forms of contraception should be treated as abortion. Thus, as a result of the overly expansive definitions in, and confusion created by, the rule, the delivery of reproductive health services could be significantly disrupted to the severe detriment of patients. This could present a substantial step backwards for the health of the more than 17 million women in this country who rely on publicly funded contraceptive services.

    Patients of all faiths and no faiths need health care. The Department – the federal “government's principal agency for protecting the health of all Americans and providing essential human services, especially for those who are least able to help themselves” – should have the needs of all Americans at the forefront of its agenda. But instead, in the midst of a growing health care crisis in this country, the Department has chosen as one of its parting acts to propose a rule that’s express purpose is to increase the ability of providers to deny accurate, comprehensive, and unbiased treatment to their patients; a rule that works to limit access to health care as opposed to working to expand it for those who need it most.

    At a time when more and more Americans are either uninsured or struggling with the soaring costs of health care, the Department should listen to the public outrage and revoke these proposed regulations.

  • Texas Public School Officials Promote Controversial Bible Curriculum

    Some state education officials in Texas are promoting a controversial Bible curriculum to public school officials and boards across the state. The Dallas Morning News reports that four State Board of Education officials sent letters to Texas superintendents and school boards recommending course materials from the National Council on Bible Curriculum in Public Schools, a North Carolina-based religious group.

    The group’s curriculum, which uses the Bible as its primary text, has been the focus of federal lawsuits in Texas and Florida. The Ector County School District in Texas was sued last year after adopting a policy using the group’s curriculum in Bible courses. The lawsuit was settled in spring after the school district agreed to stop using the National Council’s curriculum. The Nation Council claims its curriculum is used in hundreds of public school districts nationwide, but does not name the school districts. Its Web site states that the “Bible was the foundation and blueprint for our Constitution, Declaration of Independence, our educational system, and our entire history until the last 20 to 30 years.”

     

    The Texas Freedom Network, a progressive advocacy group, criticized the state education officials’ actions as “recklessly encouraging school districts to adopt a curriculum that will put those districts and their taxpayers in legal jeopardy and threaten the religious freedom of families to pass on their own faith beliefs to their children.”

  • Secrecy, Restricted Access Damage Guantánamo's Effectiveness

    Anthony S. Barkow is a volunteer consultant for Human Rights First. He is Executive Director of the Center on the Administration of Criminal Law at New York University School of Law (www.prosecutioncenter.org). Barkow is observing and analyzing the American military proceedings for Human Rights First. This is the fourth guest blog post from Barkow. His other reports are here, here and here.

    Guantánamo Bay: Every courthouse in which I’ve observed the practice of law has them: court watchers.  They are a group of people--virtually always elderly--who spend their days going from courtroom to courtroom watching events.  Then they meet every day for lunch and discuss the day’s proceedings.  They are symbolic of the openness of United States courts:  anyone can enter, watch, and follow the court proceedings with minimal effort.

     

    But the military commission hearings at Guantánamo Bay are different.  I flew here on a 12-seat turbo-prop commercial airplane with no toilet.  The plane wasn’t allowed to fly over mainland Cuba so it took 3 ½ hours to get here from Fort Lauderdale; a direct flight would’ve taken about an hour.  I sleep in a tent on an abandoned airstrip.  The tent is kept at what feels like sub-zero temperatures to discourage cat-sized “banana rats” and other unnamed critters from invading, while at the same time being so humid inside that it feels like you are sleeping in a wet ice box.  I cannot go anywhere, at any time, without an escort, and I am not supposed to go anywhere, at any time, without going with the entire group of human rights observers who are here.  I do not question why the military base has decided this is necessary for the base’s security, but of course one who makes that point presupposes that these proceedings should be held on a military base.

      

    The public access problems here run much deeper than the small discomforts of life on the base and the inability of the “court watchers” easily to peruse the court proceedings.  Despite the military’s claims that these proceedings are open, public access here pales in comparison to courts back home.  Criminal proceedings in federal court are presumptively open.  Anyone can enter the courtroom at virtually any time and stay as short or as long as one wishes.  Transcripts are publicly available and, in significant cases, are typically available at the end of each court day.  Written pleadings and court orders are publicly-available, and docket sheets are instantly updated online.  Thus, the public, victims and their families, scholars, the entire media, and others can follow federal court proceedings as closely as they wish.

     

    But Guantánamo Bay is different.  Other than the accused, their lawyers, and court security, the only people in the courtrooms this week have been five representatives of human rights and civil liberties organizations, seven members of the media, and some government employees.  (I’m told media attendance at the proceedings has been dropping precipitously, perhaps because of the costs (fiscal and otherwise) of coming here or perhaps because of the media’s constant need to report only on “new” news.”) 

     

    Getting access to written pleadings and motions and orders is extremely difficult.  Lawyers are prohibited from sharing filed pleadings with anyone.  And, although written pleadings are eventually posted on the Office of Military Commission website, the process is delayed and haphazard. 

     

    Moreover, there are no docket sheets for these cases.  When a pleading is filed, it often takes months, according to defense lawyers, for it to be entered on a so-called “filing inventory.”  These delayed inventories are piecemeal and incomplete docket sheet substitutes.  Thus, it is impossible for a member of the public to keep fully abreast of court events through the written record.  Instead, one must depend on the media – and often informal media connections at that – to learn about what is happening from day to day.

     

    Additionally, the level of secrecy is extreme.  In Guantánamo, events are presumptively classified or otherwise shielded.  Witnesses this week virtually all testified under pseudonyms.  And the secrecy mechanisms here are ad hoc, at best.  Observers of the September 11 case listen to an audio feed of the events in the courtroom proceedings via a 30 - to 40-second tape delay, giving the observer a surreal time-travel experience.  At one point, the audio feed of a dialogue between Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and the judge was terminated after he mentioned that Richard Nixon had written a book.  (It was later acknowledged that cutting the audio had been a mistake, but we still never learned the title of the book).  The following day, though, regarding a topic that surely was more sensitive than Nixon’s authorship, KSM spoke openly about his having been waterboarded and his co-defendants having been tortured.

     

    Finally, in addition to the hurdles observers must overcome to attend, other people who are typically found in U.S. courtrooms are absent altogether.  One must get clearance papers from the military to be here.  Family members of the victims and the accused are not permitted to attend the hearings.  One wonders whether either group will be allowed access to the trials.

     

    Public access is not an academic issue.  Every courthouse in which I’ve observed the practice of law has a public audience.  In high-profile cases or those involving significant issues, the courtroom might be packed with media, family members of defendants and victims, and interested citizens.  Indeed, even in low-profile cases, these same groups often appear, just in lower numbers.  They are there because of the openness of United States courts, where anyone can enter, watch, and follow the court proceedings, with minimal effort. As the Supreme Court has stated, this openness “enhances the quality and safeguards the integrity of the factfinding process,” “fosters an appearance of fairness, thereby heightening public respect for the judicial process,” and “permits the public to participate in and serve as a check upon the judicial process-an essential component in our structure of self-government.” But not in Guantánamo Bay. And the price that is paid may be poor quality and low-integrity fact finding, the appearance of unfairness, and public disrespect for the process.

  • Just Say No To Pulpit Politicking

    by Rob Boston, assistant director of communications for American United for Separation of Church and State and assistant editor of the organization’s monthly magazine, Church & State.

    The Alliance Defense Fund, a Religious Right legal group based in Arizona, persuaded 33 pastors nationwide to defy federal tax law last Sunday and endorse candidates from the pulpit. Today, Americans United for Separation of Church and State asked the Internal Revenue Service to investigate six of those churches whose actions were most egregious.

     

    The Religious Right seems determined to provoke a showdown over the issue of pulpit politicking. I’m not sure why. Religious Right groups have already lost this case once before. In 1992, Americans United reported a church in Binghamton, N.Y., that in late October placed a full-page newspaper ad advising people not to vote for Bill Clinton.

     

    The Church at Pierce Creek lost it tax-exempt status, and, aided by attorneys with TV preacher Pat Robertson, sued to get it back. The church lost. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia ruled unanimously that the IRS acted within the scope of its authority. The court rejected arguments that the IRS had violated the church’s free-speech or freedom of religion rights, noting that tax exemption is a benefit that comes with conditions. One of those conditions is no politicking. In light of the precedent in the Branch Ministries v. Rossotti case, another test case seems foolhardy.

     

    Furthermore, Americans in record numbers are telling pollsters that they do not support pulpit politicking. Last week, the Baptist Press released a new LifeWay Research poll that found that 75 percent of Americans do not believe “it is appropriate for churches to publicly endorse candidates for public office.” In addition, 85 percent think it is not “appropriate for churches to use their resources to campaign for candidates for public office.” Eighty-seven percent do not “believe it is appropriate for pastors to publicly endorse candidates for public office during a church service.” A majority supports revoking the tax-exempt status of churches that violate the law.

     

    Number like this should tell us something: Americans attend houses of worship for spiritual reasons, not political ones. They want to get closer to God and enjoy fellowship among a community of believers. Americans don’t go to church to get a list of candidate endorsements. Churches, to put it simply, are not political action committees and should not act like them.

     

    Most clergy in America understand this. They have no interest in politicizing their pulpits or driving wedges into their congregations. The few who can’t grasp this concept and insist on signing up with reckless stunts promoted by the ADF can look forward to some interesting visits from the IRS.

  • Mukasey Names Special Prosecutor Over Removal Of U.S. Attorneys

    Following the recommendation of today’s extensive report from the Justice Department’s Office of the Inspector General (OIG) and Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR), Attorney General Michael Mukasey named a federal prosecutor to investigate the removal of nine U.S. Attorneys in 2006. The report, more than 300 pages, revealed a “blistering critique of the political motivations that lead to the firings” of the attorneys, The New York Times reported

    In announcing the special prosecutor, Mukasey in a statement issued this morning notes that the OIG/OPR findings “have made the judgment that the circumstances” warrant a special prosecutor to continue investigating the firings. “This Report describes a disappointing episode in the history of the Department,” Mukasey said in his statement. “What should not be lost in this are the efforts of the dedicated and hard-working employees of the Justice Department who are focused on what they do best, which is protecting our country and faithfully enforcing our laws.” Mukasey named Nora Dannehy, a career federal prosecutor, to the job.   

     

    Today’s report concludes that, “we believe that the process used to remove the nine U.S. Attorneys in 2006 was fundamentally flawed. While the Presidential appointees can be removed for any reason or for no reason, as long as it is not an illegal or improper reason, Department officials publicly justified the removals as the result of an evaluation that sought to replace underperforming U.S. Attorneys. In fact, we determined that the process implemented largely by Kyle Sampson, Chief of Staff to the Attorney General, was unsystematic and arbitrary, with little oversight by the Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney General, or any other senior Department official.”

     

    The reported, continued, that, “These removals were not a minor personnel matter – they were an unprecedented removal of a group of high-level Department officials that was certain to raise concerns if not handled properly.”

    Finally, the OIG/OPR report concluded that their investigation into the removal of the attorneys was hampered by the actions of high-level Bush administration officials. The report states that “there are gaps in our investigation because of the refusal of certain key witnesses to be interviewed by us, including former White House officials Karl Rove, Harriet Miers, and William Kelly, former Department of Justice White House Liaison Monica Goodling, Senator Pete Domenici, and his Chief of Staff. In addition, the White House would not provide us internal documents related to the removals of the U.S. Attorneys.”

     

    The entire report is here.

     

    Today’s report follows two others by the OIG/OPR on politicization of hiring within the department. The June 24 report concluded that candidates for nonpolitical jobs in the Justice Department were rejected because of their affiliations with progressive organizations, including the American Constitution Society (ACS) and the July 28 report found that former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales aides, Monica Goodling and Kyle Sampson used political criteria to fill nonpolitical jobs within the Department.

  • Mukasey Taps Prosecutor To Investigate Removal Of U.S. Attorneys

    Following the recommendation of today’s extensive report from the Justice Department’s Office of the Inspector General (OIG) and Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR), Attorney General Michael Mukasey named a federal prosecutor to investigate the removal of nine U.S. Attorneys in 2006. The report, more than 300 pages, revealed a “blistering critique of the political motivations that lead to the firings” of the attorneys, The New York Times reported

    In announcing the special prosecutor, Mukasey in a statement issued this morning notes that the OIG/OPR findings “have made the judgment that the circumstances” warrant a special prosecutor to continue investigating the firings. “This Report describes a disappointing episode in the history of the Department,” Mukasey said in his statement. “What should not be lost in this are the efforts of the dedicated and hard-working employees of the Justice Department who are focused on what they do best, which is protecting our country and faithfully enforcing our laws.” Mukasey named Nora Dannehy, a career federal prosecutor, to the job.   

     

    Today’s report concludes that, “we believe that the process used to remove the nine U.S. Attorneys in 2006 was fundamentally flawed. While the Presidential appointees can be removed for any reason or for no reason, as long as it is not an illegal or improper reason, Department officials publicly justified the removals as the result of an evaluation that sought to replace underperforming U.S. Attorneys. In fact, we determined that the process implemented largely by Kyle Sampson, Chief of Staff to the Attorney General, was unsystematic and arbitrary, with little oversight by the Attorney General, the Deputy Attorney General, or any other senior Department official.”

     

    The reported, continued, that, “These removals were not a minor personnel matter – they were an unprecedented removal of a group of high-level Department officials that was certain to raise concerns if not handled properly.”

    Finally, the OIG/OPR report concluded that their investigation into the removal of the attorneys was hampered by the actions of high-level Bush administration officials. The report states that “there are gaps in our investigation because of the refusal of certain key witnesses to be interviewed by us, including former White House officials Karl Rove, Harriet Miers, and William Kelly, former Department of Justice White House Liaison Monica Goodling, Senator Pete Domenici, and his Chief of Staff. In addition, the White House would not provide us internal documents related to the removals of the U.S. Attorneys.”

     

    The entire report is here.

     

    Today’s report follows two others by the OIG/OPR on politicization of hiring within the department. The June 24 report concluded that candidates for nonpolitical jobs in the Justice Department were rejected because of their affiliations with progressive organizations, including the American Constitution Society (ACS) and the July 28 report found that former Attorney General Alberto Gonzales aides, Monica Goodling and Kyle Sampson used political criteria to fill nonpolitical jobs within the Department.

  • Report Offers Legal Reforms To Save Science from Politics

    by Rena Steinzor, a Center for Progressive Reform (CPR) member scholar, Wendy Wagner, a CPR member scholar, and Matthew Shudtz, a policy analyst at CPR.

    A new Center for Progressive Reform white paper proposes nine legal reforms to help eliminate political meddling in regulatory science. Many environmental, health and safety statutes depend on scientific research to inform federal policymakers tasked with their implementation. The Clean Air Act, Clean Water Act, Consumer Product Safety Act, and Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act are examples. Federal agency staff has the difficult responsibility of collecting and analyzing all of the scientific information relevant to their work. All subsequent actions must be supported by the best available science. But good science isn’t always available, and the available science isn’t always good.

     

    The Bush administration’s efforts to deny global warming and then suppress scientific research to the contrary have been the subject of much media attention. But the problem runs much deeper, particularly where regulation is concerned. Private sponsors recruit prominent scientists to sign ghost written articles based on skewed research or try to censor research results that they do not like. Researchers face spurious charges of scientific misconduct. Government peer review panels lack balance or include members with blatant financial conflicts of interest. Special interests seeking to influence the policymaking debate submit studies without the underlying data critical to evaluating the studies’ validity, or claims that information crucial to understanding a chemical’s toxicity is a trade secret. 

     

    Even when companies suspect that exposures to their products may cause harm, they fail to file “adverse effects reports” so the problems can be investigated. These assaults on regulatory science have already cost us dearly, delaying the battle to control climate change and prolonging government efforts to protect people and the environment.

     

    CPR’s white paper, Saving Science from Politics: Nine Reforms of the Legal System, outlines concrete, workable reforms to federal law and regulation that could help eliminate some of the worst abuses of regulatory science. Among other things, we suggest that:

    • Agencies should only use studies that are accompanied by a statement disclosing the amount of control sponsors had over the design and publication of the research;
    • Agencies should require upfront substantiation of any claim that chemical safety data is “confidential business information” or a “trade secret;”
    • Congress should strengthen adverse effects reporting requirements in existing laws;
    • Congress should improve whistleblower protections for employees who disclose evidence of interference or suppression that compromise the conduct and reporting of science used in the regulatory process; and
    • Congress should amend the Federal Advisory Committee Act to eliminate significant financial conflicts of interest in members and improve the transparency of the committee selection process.

    While the solutions to the pervasive and debilitating politicization of science ultimately must involve even more dramatic action, these proposals are an important first step to prevent the misuse of science in the legal system until more comprehensive responses are developed.

  • Colo. Official Spreads False Voting Information On College Campus

    A Colorado county official acknowledged encouraging a college official to wrongly inform out-of-state students that they could not vote in the state if their parents claimed them as a dependent on their tax returns.

    Robert Balink, a delegate to the Republican National Convention and El Paso County Clerk, admitted that he had misinterpreted state law and “mistakenly published information that was incorrect,” after officials with the Colorado Democratic Party accused him of trying to suppress the college vote.

     

    Martha Tierney, with the state Democratic Party, told McClatchy Newspapers that she had obtained e-mails about Balink’s office sending a flier to the Colorado College president’s office for circulation to students. The flier stated that, “What this means is that if your parents still claim you on their income tax returns, and they file that return in a state other than Colorado, you are not eligible to register to vote or vote in Colorado.”

     

    The incident, McClatchy notes, follows similar incidents in Virginia and South Carolina that have garnered attention. For example, on the campus of Virginia Tech in Blacksburg, Va., a county official circulated memos suggesting that students from outside the state who register to vote in Virginia could endanger their scholarships, health insurance and parents’ ability to claim them as independents on their tax returns.

    Jon Greenbaum, with the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, told McClatchy that state regulation on voting cannot violate the U.S. Constitution, which means that states cannot adopt rules that treat groups of voters differently.

    The American Constitution Society for Law and Policy (ACS) will co-host a panel discussion at American University Washington College of Law on Oct. 7 on voting rights. The panelists, including Kristen Clarke, Nina Perales, Wendy Weiser, Jonah Goldman and moderator, Dahlia Lithwick, will examine issues that will likely affect voting rights in the upcoming general election, including voter identification laws and efforts aimed at suppressing voter turnout. The event, to be simulcast, will available via streaming video at www.ACSLaw.org/PortecttheVote.

     

    Earlier this year, ACS launched a Web site providing education information on students’ voting rights.  

  • LCCR President On Presidential Race and Its Impact on Federal Bench

    During an ACS panel discussion of a new article on the declining success of employment discrimination cases in the federal courts, Wade Henderson, head of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, said the current administration has advanced an ideological agenda with its federal court picks and that the forthcoming election will greatly impact the bench’s make-up for decades to come.

    “The Leadership Conference is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization and I represent the Leadership Conference,” Henderson said. “ACS is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization and we are not here to advocate on behalf of any candidate in any election. But having said that, elections matter and this presidential election, among other things, will determine the future of the federal courts perhaps for a generation to come.”

     

    Watch video of Henderson’s entire comments by clicking the picture.

     

    henderson.jpg

     

  • New Study On Employment Discrimination Cases Subject of Judiciary Committee Hearing

    IMG_8375.JPG 

    Senate Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) displays a copy of an article from a forthcoming issue of the Harvard Law & Policy Review, the official journal of ACS. The occassion was a hearing this week highlighting how the federal courts treat employment discrimination cases. Cyrus Mehri, founding partner of the Washington, D.C. law firm Mehri & Skalet, was among the panelists testifying before the committee. Leahy asked one of panelists to elaborate on the article's findings that employment discrimination cases increasingly fare poorly in the federal courts. The article, by Cornell Law School Dean Stewart J. Schwab and Cornell Law Professor Kevin Clermont, was also the center of a recent panel discussion hosted by ACS.  

     

     

  • New Study On Employment Discrimination Cases Catches Senator's Attention

     

    IMG_8375.JPG 

    Senate Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) hoists a copy of an article released by ACS during a hearing this week highlighting the impact of federal court decisions on employees. Leahy asked a panelist to elaborate on the study’s findings that employment discrimination cases increasingly fare poorly in the federal courts. The article, by Cornell Law School Dean Stewart J. Schwab and Cornell Law Professor Kevin Clermont, was also the center of a recent panel discussion hosted by ACS.  

     

     

  • Translation Problems Hinder Military Commission Proceedings

    by Anthony S. Barkow, a volunteer consultant for Human Rights First. He is Executive Director of the Center on the Administration of Criminal Law at New York University School of Law (www.prosecutioncenter.org). Barkow is observing and analyzing the American military proceeding for Human Rights First. This is the third guest blog post from Barkow. His other reports from the military proceedings are here and here.

    Guantánamo Bay, September 24, 2008: It is a fundamental precept of American justice that an accused defendant must understand the proceedings against him. It is similarly fundamental that, when a defendant speaks during those proceedings, the court and jury must accurately hear and understand, and the record must accurately capture, what the defendant says. And it is fundamental that a defendant must be able to understand the proceedings so that he may assist in his defense. Each of these principles is being violated in the military commission proceedings at Guantánamo Bay.

     

    In criminal proceedings in federal district court, all interpreters must be qualified to interpret court proceedings contemporaneously. Federal court interpreters interpret facts and complicated legal concepts in real time. And, in my experience, federal court interpreters rarely have difficulty keeping up with the normal pace of proceedings or doing their jobs. When they do, the proceedings come to a halt, and competent interpreters are brought in. But this week in the military commission proceedings against the five men facing capital charges for allegedly participating and planning the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks, it hasn’t worked that way.

     

    Over the last two days, on too many occasions to count, interpreters could not keep up with events in court, or incorrectly interpreted what was being said. At least some of these interpreters -- who are shielded from public view and whose identities and credentials are kept secret -- are simply not up to their tasks. 

    On Tuesday, defendants, defense lawyers, and defense interpreters (who have the task of facilitating lawyer-client communication) consistently objected that the interpreters had lost track of or inaccurately interpreted the proceedings. At one point, one defendant’s statement was interpreted into English as the nonsensical: “In the beginning of the timing of the laws I said there is no difficulties base [sic].” 

    At another point, in a moment reminiscent of Monday night’s enlistment of help from defendant Ramzi bin al-Shibh’s four co-defendants to secure his voluntary appearance in court, defendant Ali Abdul Aziz Ali (who speaks excellent English) corrected the interpreter’s version of defendant Mustafa Ahmed Adam Al Hawsawi’s statement. Ultimately, it seemed, the court interpreter changed his or her interpretation to agree with Ali. In yet another instance, “top secret” was interpreted as “very private.”  In a setting where classified information dominates, such an error completely misrepresents the proceedings. 

     

    Defense lawyers are aghast. At a post-hearing press conference Tuesday night, Major Jon Jackson, counsel to Al Hawsawi, described himself as “extremely troubled by the translator/interpreter problems” and accused the government of trying the 9/11 capital cases “on the cheap.” Civilian counsel to Al Hawsawi, Nina Ginsberg, estimated that her client did not understand 25 percent of what was said in court that day. 

     

    Ginsberg further stated that, according to the defense team’s interpreter, one-half of what Al Hawsawi said in court was not accurately interpreted. And it was not as if Al Hawsawi was attempting to communicate on trivial topics. In an extended colloquy with Military Judge Marine Col. Ralph Kohlmann, Al Hawsawi – who, unlike some of the other 9/11 defendants, seems genuinely to be considering having a lawyer represent him – attempted to ask probing questions to Judge Kohlmann about the duties and obligations of defense counsel, the contrasting dynamic inherent in pro se litigation, classified information and discovery, and attorney-client privilege. Because he and the judge were speaking two different languages without comprehensible interpretation, the discussion led nowhere. Thus Al Hawsawi was left uninformed about his fundamental choice whether to accept appointed counsel or represent himself, and a chance to overcome a barrier plaguing these proceedings – the ability to get defendants to trust their appointed counsel – was lost.

     

    In an attempt to rectify the situation, Al Hawsawi’s attorneys have requested a stay of the proceedings to allow the government to hire better interpreters. Their motion-- which is not publicly available due to Byzantine public access procedures here but was described during Tuesday night’s press conference--includes an affidavit from the defense team interpreter detailing a series of material errors in interpretation that have occurred.  The motion to stay has not been granted; instead the defense teams have been instructed to raise their hands when the interpretation process goes awry. Exasperated, defense counsel finally asked the judge on Tuesday to order the government to prepare daily transcripts in English and Arabic. This motion is unlikely to be granted, and frankly would be unnecessary if the interpreters could simply do their jobs.

     

    The judge’s other purported remedy is to constantly remind the lawyers and the defendants to speak slowly.  Thus the proceedings sometimes occur in a halting, robotic incantation. The judge and most defense lawyers often speak in clauses, not sentences or paragraphs. Aside from sometimes being difficult to understand, even when spoken in English, these parts of the proceedings are deathly slow and inefficient. Even when spoken at half-speed, though, the interpreters still sometimes get it wrong.

     

    Other international law tribunals handle this issue far more effectively. At Tuesday night’s press conference, Major Jackson pointed out that, in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, computers are used to provide real-time translations that place side-by-side transcripts in both the official language of the proceeding and the defendant’s native language. Jackson stated that the military commissions could have used a similar system, developed at The College of William & Mary, but did not.   

     

    If this problem is not fixed in Guantánamo, the proceedings will not be accurately interpreted. The defendants will not understand the proceedings. The court and the jurors will not accurately be told, and the record will not accurately capture, what the defendants say. And the defendants will not meaningfully participate in their defense.

     

    The result would be a travesty.

  • Congress Advances Measure To Bolster Mental Health Care Coverage

    Congress is nearing passage of a measure to require health insurance companies to expand coverage for mental illnesses. The U.S. House of Representatives has already passed a bill requiring stronger health care coverage of mental illnesses and the Senate on Tuesday included the measure in a larger legislation package, reports The New York Times. An agreement on the health care coverage measure must be met between the two chambers, which The Washington Post reports might not get done before the approaching congressional recess.  The legislation, which both newspapers say has support across party lines and of the White House, would require that expenses for treatment for mental health  be no greater than treatment for physical ailments. One of the measure’s backers, Sen. Christopher Dodd (D-Conn.) said it represented a “victory for the millions of Americans who live with mental illness ….”

  • Detainee Appears Before Military Tribunal, Legal Uncertainties Loom

    by Anthony S. Barkow, executive director of the Center on the Administration of Criminal Law at New York University School of Law (www.prosecutioncenter.org). Barkow is observing and analyzing the American military proceedings for Human Rights First.  

    Guantánamo Bay, September 23, 2008: Military Judge Marine Col. Ralph Kohlmann held a pretrial hearing Monday for the five defendants facing capital charges in connection with the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. One of the defendants, Ramzi bin al Shibh, refused to leave his cell to attend the hearing. By the end of the day—largely occupied by legal wrangling over how to make bin al Shibh appear—Judge Kohlmann ordered bin al Shibh to appear in court the following day, by force if necessary.

     

    The hearing revealed an odd internal split among government lawyers. The prosecution’s position was that bin al Shibh should be forced to appear. But the detention facility commander (and JTF Gitmo lawyers) apparently reasoned that bin al Shibh could not be forced to attend absent a court order, thus shifting to the court the obligation–and the blame and accountability–for any “forcible extraction” of bin al Shibh from his cell. The defense, seeking to avoid a “forcible extraction,” asked the judge to adjourn all proceedings against bin al Shibh pending a competency evaluation. They assert he has severe mental health issues, which have been exacerbated by the use of psychotropic drugs and by his extreme confinement conditions, and which they further imply may stem partly from the torture bin al Shibh alleges he endured. 

     

    In a bizarre turn of events reflecting the ad hoc nature of the military commission system, bin al Shibh’s four co-defendants were enlisted in the court’s effort to secure his presence. The court approved a request by the lead defendant, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed to write a note to bin al Shibh. Ultimately, all four of bin al Shibh’s co-defendants wrote separate notes, each signed by all the others. The notes urged bin al Shibh to come to court, pointed out that his absence had slowed the proceedings (in fact, the judge suggested that if bin al Shibh persisted in refusing to participate, he would consider severing his case from the others’), told him that all five defendants should remain together in one case, and advised him to come to court voluntarily in order to avoid forcible removal from his cell.

    In federal court, criminal defendants who refuse to come to court may be compelled to appear.  Bench warrants may be issued for defendants who have been released on bail, and federal marshals – on their own or at court order or suggestion – may secure the appearance of defendants in pretrial detention, whether or not the defendants wish to appear. But in Guantánamo, where rules of law are created each day, a defendant’s co-conspirators are enlisted in the effort to secure his appearance.

    But the comparison between federal courts and military commissions may not be tenable in this context. Compelling a defendant to appear in federal court is justified because defendants receive the full gamut of procedural and substantive protections, and they are not typically subjected to abusive interrogations or extreme conditions of confinement. But in Guantánamo—where many detainees have made allegations of torture and abuse, and some have experienced near-total isolation for almost seven years—compelling a defendant’s appearance in court has a different connotation. 

     

    Bin al Shibh’s attorneys suggest in their written pleadings that his fragile mental condition may be the result of torture.  The Bush administration has confirmed the use of “alternative” interrogation techniques on the high-value detainees held in secret CIA custody. In addition, reportedly a former detainee who was held in the cell next to bin al Shibh during his detention in Jordan alleges that bin al Shibh accused Jordanian officials of subjecting him to electric shock, sleep deprivation and forced nudity.  If some or all these allegations about bin al Shibh’s treatment are true, then compelling him to come to court – likely transported in shackles and wearing a black hood over his head – may be so mentally and psychologically traumatic that the court resorted to enlisting the “cooperation” of his co-conspirators in encouraging him to voluntarily appear.

     

    The peer pressure exerted by bin al Shibh’s co-defendants was effective. Bin al Shibh voluntarily reported to court early Tuesday and sat with his co-defendants without wearing shackles or handcuffs. In fact, he used his appearance to defend his mental competence and to unleash a tirade against his attorneys, accusing them of lying to him and ignoring his wishes. 

    Bin al Shibh’s outburst highlights a central problem with these proceedings. Although Judge Kohlmann may have the power to force bin al Shibh to appear in court, he cannot compel bin al Shibh to accept counsel. Given the length of time bin al Shibh has been detained, and the allegations of torture he has made, it should come as no surprise that his attorneys may have difficulty gaining his confidence and trust.

  • Advancing Equality Step by Step

    Congress should take a “simple step” toward advancing equality by “extending health benefits to same-sex partners of federal employees,” says a new Center for American Progress report. The report’s authors note that by passing a law to extend health care coverage to same-sex domestic partners, the federal government would fall in line with more than a dozen states and thousands of private businesses that already provide similar coverage. Winnie Stachelberg, Josh Rosenthal and Claire Stein-Ross write:

    The federal government will be able to look for guidance to the 15 states and the District of Columbia who already provide same-sex domestic partner benefits for their employees as it enters the process of considering the Domestic Partner Benefits and Obligations Act. States began offering these benefits in different ways – from union negotiation to legislation to judicial decisions – but all have seen lower rates of enrollment and lower costs than expected. Their experiences show that the federal government has a lot gain from offering same-sex domestic partner benefits without serious costs.

     

    The report is available here.

     

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